Guide Of the Manichæans (With Active Table of Contents)

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Bog , a god associated with wine and marriage. The figure of the devil carries a distinctly Sogdian name, Shimnu, which is derived independently of the Avestan Angra Mainyu. Since the former locations have been situated in Khurasan, it has been suggested that Israelite presence in Central Asia should be considered as originating at that time. Given the option of returning home to Judah, most Judeans chose instead to stay in Babylon as free citizens of the new Persian empire, or elected to try their luck elsewhere in the Persian-controlled lands.

Many relocated eastward to Iran proper and laid the foundations for Jewish communities that have survived there to the present day, especially in the cities of Hamadan ancient Ecbatana and Esfahan.

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As Cyrus had also made conquests to the east, as far as Bactria and Sogdiana, it is likely that some of the Babylonian Jews relocated to those provinces as well. The modern-day Jewish communities of Bukhara and Samarqand, in particular, like to trace their history back to Assyrian times, and consider themselves to be descended from the Ten Tribes. It seems likely that many of the post-exilic Judean settlers in Persian lands took up commerce.

It would have been consistent with later patterns for them to set up trade networks with relatives or other Judeans in other parts of the Persian empire or elsewhere. Roman sources show that by Parthian times both Palestinian and Babylonian Jews were involved in the silk trade from China. Hebrew names appearing on pottery fragments from Marv dating from the first to the third centuries CE attest to the presence of Jews living along the Silk Road at that time.

Influences picked up by Jewish communities in one cultural environment could easily travel to connected communities in another. Beginning in the Persian period and continuing through Hellenistic and Parthian times, a number of Iranian beliefs and concepts began to work their way into the religious outlook of the Judeans, a tradition that would later evolve into Judaism.

The concepts of a heavenly paradise Old Pers. The concept of angels and demons, likewise, seems to derive from Iranian beliefs. Ancient Iranian cosmology, with its numerology based on the number seven, may be the precedent for later evolutions in Greek philosophy and in Jewish, Christian and Muslim mysticism. Although firm evidence is lacking, it is not unlikely that both Iranian and Jewish merchants were active along the Silk Road from a very early time.

Naturally their religious ideas would have accompanied them on their travels, and therefore would have become familiar to peoples encountered by these merchants along the way. There is evidence that Iranian soothsayers were employed by the Western Chou dynasty of China, that is, prior to the eighth century BCE. The great missionary religions had not yet entered the stage of world history.

In traditional societies religions, like people, are generally considered as being attached to a particular locality or region, and by extension to their own local culture.

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From an Inner Asian or Chinese point of view, whatever religion a foreign merchant of Iranian or Israelite origin practiced was simply the home religion of the Iranians or of the Israelites; one would no more think of embracing such religion oneself than of pretending to be from Iran or Palestine. Still, as Turks, Chinese, and other East Asian peoples came into contact with these merchants from the West and became familiar with their ways of thinking, subtle influences must have penetrated in both directions through everyday encounters and conversation.

According to the story, the brothers then returned to Balkh and built temples dedicated to the Buddha. While there is no evidence to confirm the legend of Tapassu and Bhallika, edicts inscribed on rock pillars set up by Emperor Ashoka state that he sent missionaries into his northwestern territories. There were two monastery buildings but no monks lived in them. If a guest monk attempted to stay in them, the native people would drive him out with fire.

The Chinese traveler was certainly a charismatic individual, and such figures are often able to generate personal followings wherever they go. Even more likely, perhaps, is that with the rise in Sasanian influence from Iran, any existing local form of Buddhism, which would probably have been colored by local Iranian religiosity to begin with, had increasingly taken on aspects of the newly institutionalized Sasanian Zoroastrianism.

The eastern Iranian world has provided documented examples of Zoroastrian influence on the evolution of Buddhism there. One such case can be seen in the layout of the circumabulatory corridor around Buddhist stupas, which is modeled on that of fire temples. Again, we cannot assume that the population of Sogdiana was ever in any uniform sense Zoroastrian or Buddhist as we understand the terms.

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For one thing, they lived at some remove from the centers of both Zoroastrian and Buddhist institutionalizing forces. Furthermore, we have evidence of the persistence of strictly local elements, such as the cult of the hero Siyavash at Bukhara which included the sacrifice of a rooster every New Year. Since Christianity arose within the Jewish world, it is only natural that its eastward spread from Palestine would have been facilitated first and foremost through existing contacts across the Jewish diaspora.

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Sogdiana was, until the Samanid dynasty made it the most dynamic center of the Muslim world in the tenth century, never a region of religious orthodoxy. The region was at the fringes of both east and west, equally removed from the centers of all the great religious traditions. It had always been middle ground, a transit point, a place where anything could and did pass through sooner or later. Sogdian merchants were the real masters of the Silk Road, whoever the ephemeral powers of the time might be. Under the rule of their fellow Iranian peoples the Parthian and the Sasanians, Sogdian merchants moved easily in the Iranian lands to the west, where some of them were won over to the Christian message especially in its Nestorian form , just as others active in the former Kushan lands had embraced Buddhism.

There do not appear to have been any obstacles preventing Sogdian converts to either tradition from importing their new faith either to Sogdiana proper or conveying it further east in the course of their business ventures. By the year there was a Nestorian archibishopric at Samarqand in the heart of Sogdiana, and another even further east at Kashgar; in all over twenty Nestorian bishops had dioceses east of the Oxus river.

For centuries Sogdian was the lingua franca of the Silk Road. Among the Nestorian texts which have been discovered in the Tarim Basin since the beginning of the twentieth century, a preponderance are in Sogdian or show evidence of having been translated from Sogdian versions. Although Syriac was the liturgical language of the Nestorian church, the language in which Nestorian Christianity was disseminated across Asia was principally Sogdian, as it was for Buddhism and Manichaeism as well.

Most of the Christian texts found in the Tarim region were discovered by four German expeditions to the Turfan oasis from Christian Doctrine 5. On the Holy Trinity 6.

Answer to Faustus, a Manichean (Contra Faustum [Manichaeum])

The Enchiridion 7. On the Catechising of the Uninstructed 8. On Faith and the Creed 9. Concerning Faith of Things Not Seen On the Profit of Believing On the Creed: A Sermon to Catechumens On Continence On the Good of Marriage On Holy Virginity On the Good of Widowhood On Lying To Consentius: Against Lying On the Work of Monks On Patience On Care to be Had For the Dead On the Morals of the Catholic Church On the Morals of the Manichaeans On Two Souls, Against the Manichaeans Acts or Disputation Against Fortunatus the Manichaean Against the Epistle of Manichaeus Called Fundamental Reply to Faustus the Manichaean Concerning the Nature of Good, Against the Manichaeans On Baptism, Against the Donatists Answer to Letters of Petilian, Bishop of Cirta Merits and Remission of Sin, and Infant Baptism On the Spirit and the Letter On Nature and Grace Kasai will publish her study of Buddhist colophons in BTT.

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U , which is probably from Murtuq, is from a magnificently made book with golden yellow letters on a dark blue background. Though the numerous religious texts dominate in the editorial work there is occasionally an opportunity to work on the above-mentioned profane texts which contain just a few literary genres but which provide information about the real circumstances and objects of interest of the societies in the Central Asian oasis-states and therefore are an important source for the previously badly documented history of the Turkish peoples. Already early on W.

His student, S. Malov continued his work in St.

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Petersburg; in Berlin it was G. Arat who prepared a large-scale study of Uigur documents unpublished; in his papers, held in trust by O. Sertkaya, there are numerous photographs of texts the originals of which must be presumed lost. Moriyasu, J. Oda, H. Umemura, P. Zieme in Matsui published Uigur documents and contributed so to the study of the society and economy of the Yuan period. Moriyasu will also present his edition of Uigur letters in BTT. A few book rolls and books amongst the Middle Iranian material are relatively well preserved. The latter include the group of Christian Sogdian texts.

One of the pearls of the collection is an incomplete booklet, whose pages are in the wrong order, published under the name Bet- und Beichtbuch. But the vast majority of the Turfan texts consist of single pages though sometimes pages in sequence are preserved , for the most part, fragments of pages. Torn from books, the pages were found by the explorers strewn on the ground or they bought them from the farmers in the area.

The date of the destruction is unclear and it may be assumed that the conditions under which the fragments were found contributed to further fragmentation. Some pages were never part of a book: they were the by-products of a scriptorium. Despite the rather desolate state of many fragments the texts are, for various reasons, retrievable. Many texts are relatively short hymns, two or three of which could fit on a page. Or, since copies of the texts were made and, moreover, many manuscripts contained collections of miscellaneous texts, it is possible that one and the same text is present in a number of copies. Therefore one of the achievements of Turfan Studies is to compare meticulously and to confront these fragments with each other in a synopsis.

The particular character of the collection means that a scholar working on a text has to be familiar with the whole collection, since that text may be present in it more than once and even in a form difficult to recognize. It has been shown that decisive information can be gained even from an apparently insignificant fragment.