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The IMF granted a loan to the British government in return for spending cuts and continued anti-inflation policies. That this happened at a time of high unemployment seemed to signal the end of the era of following Keynesian economic policies. The 'Winter of Discontent' in was a key event.

There were two responses to this failure. From the right, the new ideas of economists Friedrich Hayek and Milton Friedman - advocating monetarism, a greater scope for markets and limited government - won out over the ideas of the left for more state ownership and protection of industry following a withdrawal from the European Community.

For example, privatisation, a flagship policy, was not mentioned in the manifesto. It is interesting to consider the fate in the s of the five features of the post-war consensus outlined previously. Trade unions now operated in a tighter legal framework, including: the requirement for pre-strike ballots; the end of the 'closed shop' union membership as a precondition of employment in a specific industry ; and making unions liable for damages incurred in illegal strikes.

They were hardly consulted by the government and their influence waned in part because of the abandonment of income policies and rising unemployment. The spread of privatisation of the major utilities altered the balance of the mixed economy. Gas, electricity, telephony, British Airways and later British Rail were all privatised. There was also a huge sale to tenants of council housing. The government abandoned its commitment to full employment, stating this was the responsibility of employers and employees, and accorded priority instead to keeping inflation low.

Government insisted that it could no longer be a universal provider. More should be left to the market, the voluntary sector and self-help. As late as October , Labour was still ahead in some opinion polls, but the 'Winter of Discontent' turned the public against Labour and the unions.

The Politics of Public Sector Reform: From Thatcher to the Coalition - M. Burton - Google книги

The election was more of a rejection of Labour than an endorsement of Thatcherism. The recapture of the Falkland Islands from Argentina in was important for the success of the Thatcher project. It coincided with an improvement in the public standing of the government and of Thatcher herself. The victory seemed to vindicate her claims in domestic politics that she could provide strong leadership and stand up for the nation. The war rhetoric could now be turned against the enemies within - particularly the trade unions. There are academic disputes about the extent to which military success boosted Conservative chances in the election.

There were signs of a revival in the polls and greater economic optimism even before the capture. But what if the Falklands had been lost? Would the government have survived? Thatcher was respected but not liked by the British public. And there was greater approval for a more equal society and for social and collective provision of welfare as against Thatcher's vision of people looking after themselves.

But Labour could not exploit this dissatisfaction, because it was not trusted on the economy or defence and was widely seen as weak and divided. Successive heavy general election defeats gradually convinced Labour to accept much of the new settlement. From outright repudiation of the policies at the general election, Labour steadily came to accept successive tranches of Thatcher's policies.

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Some of these policies, including sales of cheap shares in privatising utilities, cutting direct taxes, and trade union reforms, were widely popular. Labour gradually accepted the need to prioritise economic stability, low inflation and borrowing, and encourage private enterprise.

Gaining the support of an increasingly middle class electorate was crucial for electoral victory as Britain underwent demographic and economic change. Forced to choose between the two, the first 'New' Labour prime minister, Tony Blair, followed Thatcher in allying Britain with the US, particularly around the issue of going to war. And Thatcher may have actually helped 'New' Labour the name given by Blair to his resurgent party to distinguish it from the discredited policies associated with 'old', weak, divided Labour by weakening some of the more electorally unpopular interests Labour was associated with.

In terms of political style, Thatcher made the case for a strong premiership. Under Thatcher, this sector was not only the great hope for the deindustrialised British economy; it also had a key role to play in privatising welfare. Council tenants exercising their right to buy would get their mortgages from the newly-liberalised building societies, while workers would entrust their pension contributions to investment funds which held out the promise of good returns, albeit reduced by large fees.

Twenty-five years on, the government was forced into a dramatic bailout of the financial system. Less noticed, it is also locked into supporting privatised welfare in expensive ways.

The Politics of Public Sector Reform

Problems with privatised pensions have been apparent: mis-selling, fraud and high fees have afflicted the sector. Regulation was seen as a burden by the financial sector, but it could also be costly for the government, as the Equitable Life case showed. The failings of private sector agents could come back to bite the government. Indexing the state pension only to prices meant that it failed to keep up with rising living standards. This was intentional: the idea was that private pension provision would expand to fill the gap. For those who lacked a private pension top-up, means-tested benefits were available.

However, the rise of means-testing conflicted with the aim of expanding private provision, because workers can contribute to a pension scheme and then find that state benefits are reduced. While successive governments tried to mitigate the effects with various allowances and tapers, it remained the case that pension contributions could bring a very small return in increased retirement income.

In short, the government must make private pensions pay. Yet, adding the formal accreditation decision to the existing QA system — that is how it was introduced to the academic community — meant that QA was brought firmly into the Rechtsstaat environment of regulation. Peers, performance, and power: Quality assessment in the Netherlands. Accreditation, while maintaining the evaluation of individual study programmes, centralised and formalised quality judgements by introducing an accreditation framework to which all evaluations had to conform.

The framework still left much to the interpretation of evaluation organisations and external evaluation teams, but it meant a formalisation with standards to be judged according to a certain set of rules. The conception of quality therefore changed to conformance to standards, or in terms of Harvey and Green L. Harvey , D.

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Defining quality. Assessment and Evaluation in Higher Education. Accreditation became obligatory to gain recognition of degrees, to give students rights to governmental grants and loans, and — for public higher education institutions — to get the programme funded by the government. The latter consequence did not apply to private or foreign higher education providers, but the other two did. For the first time these two categories of higher education providers were included in the same QA regime as the public higher education institutions.

This created a more level playing field to open the emerging market of higher education to private and foreign providers. Yet at the same time, accreditation brought the market into the realm of the Rechtsstaat : the government and its Inspection of Education could now regulate a large number of small providers not funded by the government. The change from external quality assessment to accreditation had as a practical consequence in the study programmes that the demands on documenting quality of education provision became much more serious.

In the period —, the first round of programme accreditation was nevertheless completed: all study programmes for bachelor or master degrees had to undergo this process once. Homogeneity of all study programmes for the law was the overriding Rechtsstaat principle. It was the new communis opinio in state circles that the formal accreditation decision had to be made by an independent agency, and the Dutch Accreditation Organisation since known by its abbreviation NVAO was established.

The NVAO was operationally independent, but was created by the higher education law and it was largely funded by the government the remainder of its income came from accreditation fees. In addition, the umbrella bodies had to make their QA departments into independent QA organisations. At the same time, the market for organising external QA was opened to other agencies as well, although the NVAO decided which agencies it found acceptable. Instead, accreditation could be undertaken once and for all for the next round of six years for the whole higher education institution through an institutional audit.

The Rechtsstaat has penetrated higher education institutions more deeply and intensely than ever before.

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At another level, accreditation has reduced corporatism in favour of government agencies gaining power. In the second round of accreditation, study programme representatives can, however, still nominate candidates for the review panels. The de facto differences between the two rounds of accreditation must thus not be overestimated while the state and its intermediary agency took over certain tasks that had been operating in a corporatist mode since the s. Speculations arose that both UAS-sector scandals were perverse consequences of the performance-based funding formula, which rewarded student enrolment and degrees awarded.

Scandals in the university sector, which arose after , tended to cluster around scientific integrity in relation to publication pressure and not around teaching and learning and related university funding. Such incidents undermined trust in the QA system and other policy instruments were deployed besides.

First, in the Minister of education agreed with the umbrella bodies that the universities and the UAS's would increase the rate of degree attainment and reduce dropout of students. After a few years, evaluation showed that these general agreements were not very effective; tailor-made agreements would be more effective Inspectie van het Onderwijs, Inspectie van het Onderwijs. Evaluatieonderzoek meerjarenafspraken over studiesucces en onderwijskwaliteit: Tussenrapportage landelijke inventarisatie. A new state secretary for higher education used these signals to push for individual agreements with the public higher education institutions.

Notwithstanding the underlying desire to increase diversity, all contracts had the same form and were centred on the same set of indicators and policies. While there was some room to manoeuvre for individual higher education institutions they might prioritise one or another of the indicators and policies , a number of activities were prescribed nationally overall increase of teaching effectiveness; minimum amount of teaching hours; certificates and degrees for teaching staff; cost containment , or stimulated in a uniform manner incentives to follow national research priorities.

The agreements came into force by January ; their effectiveness will be evaluated in First indications show that all public higher education institutions took up the challenge and signed the new performance contracts. Another NPM instrument — performance contracts and related indicator-based targets — has thus entered the scenery. With the change to a labour Minister immediately after the contracts were signed, that approach seems to soften, though it is obviously too early to tell how the policy will work out by Second, another instrument deployed consciously, and co- funded by the government, was the introduction of a national student satisfaction survey, next to and gradually replacing local or sector-wide similar surveys.

This website evolved from its start in the early s as a ranking of study programmes into a study information portal intrinsically linked to sites of universities, UAS's, and other sites that provide information to help prospective students find fitting places to study.

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For students, the gravity of choosing a study programme has grown in the same period, as their costs for attending higher education have risen to substantial levels since the s. In the s, and next to the rise of fee levels mentioned above, child support for students was redirected from the traditional channel through parents to the students themselves, which made a grant system applying only to needy students into a universal student grant.

However, the grants remained insufficient to cover all of the necessary expenses of students and were supplemented with loans. The conditions for grants were made stricter over time, and the loans conditions also changed from low, government-guaranteed interest rates to market rates. Over time, institutional pressure and changing resource dependencies also affected the management of academic work and related intra-organisational power relations.

QA also became a breeding ground for the development of related in-house practices that would not necessarily be needed for external QA purposes while these QA-related practices legitimise and empower the emerging new leadership and management Enders, J.